The British Empire; A Force For Good

A speech by John McLean at the launch of his new book, 27th May 2024.

So, why have I written this rather lengthy tome on the British Empire? The short answer is that I became increasingly annoyed by the false narrative about the Empire that is propagated by our air-headed media and biased academics with their limited “soundbite” education and their preference for the current fad of anti-imperialism rather than historical truth.

My interest in the Empire – and my pride in being part of it here in New Zealand – stems from when I was a schoolboy stamp collector, limiting my collection to Britain and the British dominions and colonies. Thus did dozens of distant colonies come to my attention and I have had an interest in them ever since.

The book begins where the Empire itself began – with the sailing of three small ships from the Thames to Virginia in 1606 to found the first permanent English settlement in North America. I then deal with each of the thirteen American colonies and the American Revolutionary War, which they call the War of Independence. This was less about taxation – as they claimed – than about having the right to keep their slaves – a right that was increasingly threatened by the growing anti-slavery movement in England which was trying to liberate them.

The chapter on Canada is interesting since the various colonies that were later to comprise Canada were given a huge boost as a result of the American Revolutionary War  because so many Loyalists fled north to Canada – especially to Nova Scotia – rather than remain in the new American republic which was unforgiving to those who did not embrace the new republicanism. Thus for the next century and a half Canada was more or less defined by its resistance to the republicanism across its southern border.

There follow the Caribbean and African colonies that prospered and developed under the light touch of British rule that, unique among empires, had the knack of providing individual freedom within an orderly and safe society.

They were tough men who founded the colonies. Take Lord Lugard for example. In a battle with the King of Nikki’s forces in northern Nigeria he got a poisonous arrow in his head. His men dragged him around the ground by the arrow in their attempts to pull it out but to no avail until someone braced his feet on Lugard’s shoulders and the arrow was extracted with a sizeable piece of his skull attached. Lugard then chewed some antidotal roots to fight off the poison, then led a successful counter-attack and marched thirteen more miles before calling it a day.

In trying to improve and civilise the backward African colonies by building schools, hospitals, railways, ports, roads and dams, and providing clean drinking water and vaccinations against deadly diseases the British – through their doctors, teachers, engineers and colonial administrators – were giving great and long-lasting benefits to their various colonies, making life healthier and more comfortable for the people.

However, not a lot of this was appreciated after the Second World War when various alien forces – the United Nations, the Soviet Union and the United States – ganged up together in an effort to drive Britain out of her African colonies so that they would be ripe for either Soviet communism or exploitation of their resources by American companies. And, sad to say, the British governments from 1960 to 1980 – mainly Conservative – were too cowardly and too unprincipled to resist.

And so a premature – and in almost all cases disastrous – independence was pushed on to them by London without any regard for their readiness or otherwise to govern themselves. The futures and well-being of the masses, which Britain had always safeguarded so well, were now ignored so as to hand over power to whichever indigenous thugs screamed the loudest.

The one thing that Britain never tolerated in its empire was corruption but, as soon as the Union Jack was lowered, corruption began to rot every ex-colony in Africa with the single and honourable exception of Botswana, which alone has preserved the democratic principle and is governed in the interests of its people rather than the interests of the tribal elites as is the case elsewhere.

There is a chapter in the book on slavery, in which Britain was involved through the Atlantic slave trade, as well as a chapter on Britain’s long, selfless and principled campaign to abolish both he slave trade and the institution of slavery itself. No other nation or empire had the power or the will to abolish slavery and it took Britain nearly a century of expensive naval and other activity to do so. This, I believe, is the most noble achievement of the British Empire. 

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Book Review: Who Really Broke The Treaty

By Andy Oakley

First published on the BFD and republished here with permission.

In his latest book, prolific author John Robinson once again presents straightforward arguments supported by well-referenced facts about New Zealand’s history. As you read, you begin to understand the need to rethink our national identity and question the actions of successive governments, particularly their implementation of ill-conceived and racially divisive policies.

Robinson starts with a stark assertion: “By its actions, New Zealand is a racist state.” He provides evidence that we are a divided nation, with a BIG LIE at the centre of much of what we believe about ourselves. As I have done in my previous books, Robinson denounces the concept of race and questions the definitions of the social constructs of ‘Maori’ and ‘Indigenous’.

Robinson closely analyses the content and meaning of the 1840 James Busby English draft of the Treaty of Waitangi. He lists numerous examples of various tribes engaging in activities that contravened the Treaty, revealing who and what truly breached the agreement.

My initial impression of the book is that Robinson offers a new perspective on our history; one that is closer to actual events and likely to be very controversial.

Robinson’s main argument is that funding biased academics to distort historical events and fabricate acts of oppression against the Maori race has created a ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ situation. This involves social constructs, deception, and the gullibility of the New Zealand public. In this book, Robinson exposes these fabrications, positioning himself as the speaker of an innocent truth. He draws parallels between the Big Lies, deception and gullibility imposed on the New Zealand public and the indoctrination of the German people by the Nazis. Once you read Robinson’s truth, it cannot be unread. Be warned: this book will anger you.

Robinson argues that, rather than being oppressed by the government, some tribes were often the oppressors. He cites leaders such as Te Rauparaha, Te Rangihaeta, and Hone Heke, who went unpunished for treasonous acts. He lists, over two and a half pages, the names of settlers in Taranaki whose homes and outbuildings were burned by rebels who received no punishment; the settlers receiving no compensation from the Crown.

Compensation (money and extra rights) to anyone other than Maori in New Zealand would be considered racist by mainstream media, academia, and many politicians. Robinson outlines seven examples of Treaty breaches, mostly involving rebels rising against the sovereignty established by the 1840 Treaty. He notes that these rebels were a small minority, yet their legacy persists, including the existence of the Maori King.

Robinson concludes the book with an analysis of where our nation is headed and the potential consequences if we do not halt this slide into apartheid and the belief in what he calls “The Big Lie”.

At his book launch in Kapiti, I asked Robinson if he believes the Government is breaching Article Three of the Treaty by granting separate and additional rights to people who identify as Maori. He agreed. However, those granted these separate rights are unlikely to challenge this breach, and the deceived and gullible public have been taught that this is the New Zealand way – until we change it.

Robinson includes, in that change, disestablishing the Waitangi Tribunal; removing the Treaty from legislation; ending treaty settlements; and withdrawing from the 2001 United Nations Commission on Human Rights resolution and the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Who Really Broke the Treaty? John Robinson, Tross Publishing, 158 pages, illustrated, $35 (including postage), available at www.trosspublishing.com or trosspub@gmail.com.

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