IS PAUL GOLDSMITH THE BIGGEST LIAR IN PARLIAMENT?

By Toby Whittaker

Although unlikely to be passed into law the ACT Party’s Treaty Principles Bill has certainly exposed some ugly facets of New Zealand politics – from the uncivilised and barbarous disruption of Parliament by Maori Party M.P.s (cheered on by Labour and the Greens) to the cowardice of the Prime Minister, Christopher Luxon, in promising to “support” the Bill through its First Reading and Select Committee hearings but then, after being “got at” by tribal thugs at Waitangi on 6th February, he ran backwards like a frightened rat.

In the words of Dr. John Robinson in his latest book, Who Really Broke the Treaty?, “To any reasonable person this (“support”) implies positive support throughout that stage, with further action guided by the report of the Select Committee….All submissions would be listened to by the Select Committee and Parliament, so we were led to believe. No way. Luxon announced in no uncertain terms that National would not support the Bill, no matter what the public opinion is. David Seymour then commented sensibly that only after the public has spoken will a final decision be made.” Why would people bother to make a submission when they have been told by Luxon that whatever they say will not be listened to?

Worse, National has embarked on a campaign of lies to discredit this worthy Bill, with Minister for Treaty Negotiations, Paul Goldsmith, apparently being given the role of Liar-in-Chief. In an e-mail to the well-known writer and commentator, Amy Brooke, Goldsmith wrote, “Successive National Governments have worked well with Maori while ensuring equal citizenship and equal opportunity for all New Zealanders”.

Goldsmith entered Parliament as a National List M.P. In 2011, having previously worked for that notoriously biased institution, the Waitangi Tribunal. Below is a list of statutes that the National Government (including Goldsmith) voted for which grant considerable race-based rights to those of part-Maori descent over and above all other New Zealanders.

Exclusive Economic Zone and Continental Shelf (Environmental Effects) Act 2102 – decisions to be informed by a Maori perspective; hearings must recognise tikanga Maori where appropriate and receive oral or written evidence in Maori.

National Animal Identification and Tracing Act 2012 – values to be protected include the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their ancestral lands, waters, sites, wahi tapu and taonga.

Nga Wai o Maniapoto (Waipa River Act) 2012 – an anti-democratic co-governance entity set up to manage the Waipa, many of the appointments being race based – part-Maoris only!

Ngati Manuhiri Claims Settlement Act 2012 – another co-governance racket giving certain race-based appointments to part-Maoris only.

Game Animals Council Act 2013 – Council members must have knowledge of, and experience relating to, Maori “hunting interests”.

Housing Accords and Special Housing Areas Act 2013 – majority of members of an appointed territorial authority panel must have knowledge of and expertise in relation to planning, design, and engineering and appropriate knowledge and experience relating to the Treaty of Waitangi and tikanga Maori.

Mokomoko (Restoration of Character, Mana, and Reputation) Act 2013 – a parliamentary pardon for the brutal murderers of Rev. Carl Volkner in Opotiki in 1866! The master-mind of this atrocity was Kereopa te Rau of the Ngati Rangiwewehi clan of the Arawa tribe who hailed from the north-west shore of Rotorua. In the words of James Cowan, the leading historian of the Maori wars, “He was a thoroughgoing old savage, and he quickly plunged into the worst excesses, even cannibalism”. Volkner, who had ministered to the local Maoris for several years, was beheaded and, in the words of Captain Levy of the Eclipse who was present, “The natives then formed themselves into a line and prepared to taste the blood as it ran out of the head and body”. 

They then gathered inside Volkner’s church and Kereopa, dressed in Volkner’s long black robe, placed the dripping head on the reading desk and filled the communion cup with Volkner’s blood; this was then passed around and drunk. From the pulpit Kereopa ate Volkner’s eyes in front of about a hundred natives. Four of the murderers, Mokomoko, Heremita, Kahupaea and Kereopa, were put on trial, convicted and hanged. But on 21 June, 2014, the National government of which Goldsmith was a part, pardoned the murderers for their horrific crime – a murder that was witnessed by over a hundred Maoris plus some settlers. Then to drive home the insult to Volkner’s memory even further this same shameless National government of 2014 gave $6 million of taxpayers’ money plus a forest and several valuable hot springs around Rotorua to Kereopa’s greedy tribe. 

Ngati Whatua o Kaipara Claims Settlemwent Act 2013 – claims “The relationship between Ngati Whatua and the Crown was founded on the partnership created in 1840 through the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi”. This is a lie as there was no partnership of any kind.

Patents Act 2013 – established a Maori Advisory Committee whose members must have knowledge of matauranga and tikanga, to advise on patent applications.

Arts Council of N.Z. Toi Aotearoa Act 2014 – at least four members must have knowledge of te ao Maori and tikanga. The Council must recognise in the arts “the role of Maori as tangata whenua”.

NZ Mission Trust Board (Otamataha) Empowering Act 2014 – declared that the 1852 Crown grant that awarded the land to the Church Mission Society was in breach of the “Teaty principle of active protection” even though there is no such principle in the Treaty and, in fact, such “principles” were only invented in 1986!

Tapuika Claims Settlement Act 2014 – set up co-governance of the Kaituna River; the Authority must acknowledge the interests of iwi. 

Heritage NZ Pouhere Taonga Act 2014 – scientific investigation of any site of interest to Maori requires the consent of iwi and hapu.

Environmental Reporting Act 2014 – require that synthesis and domain reports “are informed by a Maori perspective” and that regulations can not be made without consultation with iwi authorities.

Hawkes Bay Regional Planning Committee Act 2015 – an anti-democratic statute that requires co-governance between “mana whenua and elected representatives” overseeing development and review of Resource Management Act documents. The Committee standing orders “must not contravene tikanga Maori” (whatever that means). 

Ngai Takoto Claims Settlement Act 2015, Te Aupouri Claims Settlement Act 2015, and Te Rarawa Claims Settlement Act 2015 – all these Acts give tribal rights over conservative land – land that should belong to all New Zealanders. 

Environmental Canterbury (Transitional Governance Arrangements) Act 2016 – two members of the powerful transitional governing body must be nominees of the greedy Ngai Tahu tribe and must have knowledge of and expertise in relation to tikanga.

Hurunui/Kaikoura Earthquakes Recovery Act 2016 – members of the Recovery Review Panel to have knowledge of matauranga and tikanga. 

Te Ture mo Te Reo Maori Language Act 2016 – states (falsely) that the Maori language is protected by Article Two of the Treaty.

Land Transfer Act 2017 – an application for adverse possession cannot be made against Maori land – only against non-Maori land.

Resource Legislation Amendment Act 2017 – agreements to provide a mechanism for tangata whenua through iwi authorities to participate in resource and decision-making processes.

Te Awa Tupuna (Whanganui River Claims Settlement) Act 2017 – gives part-Maoris considerable powers over the Wanganui River.

So, having voted for these and other measures doling out race-based privileges and resources to part-Maoris at the expense of the rest of us, Goldsmith has the effrontery to declare that National Governments have “ensured equal citizenship and equal opportunity for all New Zealanders”!!!!!!!!!!!! Was he asleep when he voted for all these pieces of racist legislation? 

It is bad enough for the National Party to try to sabotage this Bill that is designed to restore equality of citizenship to a country that has lost it over the years – thanks to National, Labour and our rotten judges. But please Mr. Goldsmith spare us the lie that National has given equality of citizenship and opportunity over the years when in fact it has done the exact opposite.

A FEW THINGS THAT NEED TO BE SAID

By Bruce Moon, co-author of Tross Publishing’s books, Twisting the Treaty, and One Treaty, One Nation.

We must all by now have a pretty good idea that politics and political discussions, however necessary they may be, have a malignant effect on many things which are undoubtedly true and should be accepted as such by all. Nowhere is this more true than in the current and seemingly endless debate on the Treaty of Waitangi: what it meant and its consequences today.

There can be no doubt that the British Government of the day was acting from the highest principles of
international law and practice and goodwill in despatching Captain Hobson to New Zealand in 1839 with
the express objective of establishing British sovereignty over New Zealand with the free consent of the
native population.

Lord Normanby’s 4200-word written instructions given to Hobson on the 14th of August 1839 in England
will undoubtedly have been studied with much care by him on his passage to Sydney by HMS “Druid” en
route to New Zealand. This document is easily obtained on the Internet and should be studied with care by all persons professing to have an informed interest in the Treaty of Waitangi and other related
developments

There had been other significant events in New Zealand in preceding years. Almost the whole country
was coming to the end of decades of lethal combat amongst the Maori tribes themselves; the so-called
“Musket Wars”. As Paul Moon noted, this had caused “almost unbearable anxiety experienced by all
Maori communities” (“This Horrid Practice”, p.151. ISBN 9780143006718,”Penguin”, 2008). Nearly a
third of the population had been killed, this being particularly lethal amongst those of breeding age (and a consequent drop in the Maori population in the subsequent colonial decades, as recorded by John
Robinson; “When two cultures meet, p.66, ISBN1872970311). A common, if understandable,
misconception in colonial society of the times was that Maoris were a “dying race”, a situation remedied
in large part by extensive interbreeding with the “wicked white colonials” themselves, to the extent that
probably all people who describe themselves as Maoris today do have white colonial ancestors, in many
cases the considerable majority!

So come off it, you jokers, who carry on about the agonies suffered by your Maori ancestors from
colonization. If it were not for your white forebears, you wouldn’t be here at all! By contrast, Waikato

tribes could recall the merciless depredations they suffered in pre-colonial times at the hands of musket-
wielding Ngapuhi (Robinson, “Unrestrained Slaughter”, ISBN978187297068, 2020, pp55ff) and Kati

Mamoe (if there are any left) at the hands of Kai[1] Tahu. (though in Timaru in 1988 I did meet one woman who said she was Kati Mamoe). At Goat Island (Mapoutahi), it is said that Kai Tahu slaughtered Kati Mamoe to the last inhabitant, while at Dusky Sound they left a few of their bones in the ashes after a
cannibal feast. (A.C.Begg and N.C.Begg, “Dusky Bay”, 1966, pp113ff.) One young woman remarkably
survived for many years until they went and killed her off too!

And the French?

It would seem that the French were rather slow to learn from the discoveries, principally of Cook, that
fresh and suitably preserved vegetables, especially sauerkraut, in the diet of sailors were the secret of
protecting their health from the dreads of scurvy and other dietary deficient diseases. Thus was the state
of the two vessels of Frenchman Marion du Fresne which limped into the Bay of Islands in April 1772.
He proceeded to set up a hospital for sick crewmen and did his utmost to establish friendly relations with
the local tribe, Ngati Pou. In due course, Marion set off to enjoy his favourite pastime of fishing.
However, in doing so, Marion unwittingly broke a local tapu and his fate was sealed. All but one of his
party who escaped by swimming ashore. were summarily killed and eaten by the tribesmen, one of whom
bedecked himself with Marion’s uniform jacket. After further skirmishing, a large body of Maori
warriors proceeded to attack the Frenchmen’s hospital. Of course the French defended themselves
valiantly with firearms, killing a large number of chiefs who wore a distinct headdress, and saving their
hospital. It was this incident which led to Maoris developing a mortal fear of the French which soon
became widespread. For the full story, see “The Great Divide” by Ian Wishart, ISBN97809876573-6-7,
2012.

This fear endured – thirteen powerful Ngapuhi chiefs writing on 16 November 1831 to King William of
Britain, saying “we pray thee to become our friend and the guardian of these islands.” So, a variety of
developments occurred in the succeeding decade. James Busby was sent to the Bay of Islands but with no
ability to back up his authority he was soon dubbed by observant Maoris as “the man o’ war without
guns”, as every schoolboy knew in my far off day!

Well, events moved on. These included a well-meaning but futile attempt, principally by Busby and missionary Henry Williams, to get some sort of order out of chaos in Maoridom, concocting in 1835 a so-
called “Declaration of Independence: He Whakaputanga” by “A Confederation of United Tribes”. Michael King, was scathing about this effort (“The Penguin History”; ISBN0-14-301887-1, p.155), saying
it “had no constitutional status [and] also had no reality”. King was confirming the earlier words of E
Jerningham Wakefield[2] that the so-called “confederation” was “a mockery” which never met nor
transacted any business and soon war broke out amongst its tribes and senior chief Titore was killed. All
that doesn’t stop some latter-day part-Maoris lauding it to the hilt!

Getting nearer to a formal British presence

In 1837, Captain William Hobson, RN, commanding HMS “Rattlesnake” was sent to New Zealand to
assess and report on the situation. Hobson recommended the establishment of a set of “factories” such
had been developed in India in order to establish British presence.

Paul Moon, singing a somewhat different tune in “Hobson, Governor of New Zealand 1840-1842”, ISBN
0-908997-5425, 1998, remarks “the meagre schooling Hobson received might have suggested that he was not the most suitable person to be devising recommendations on the future of this part of the British
Empire.” (page 19).[3] Be that as it may, it was Hobson who was selected by Lord Normanby of the
Colonial Office to proceed to New Zealand to establish with the Maori chiefs the conditions for the
establishment of a British colony in New Zealand. The 4200-word brief that Hobson received from
Normanby was actually written initially by James Stephen, his Permanent Under Secretary. Note that it is
easily “googled” on the internet and any person with pretensions of knowledge to the subsequent Treaty
of Waitangi should, indeed must, become conversant with its contents. Paul Moon does indeed quote
from this document (Bay of Plenty Times, 18/9/24): “acknowledging New Zealand as ‘a sovereign and
independent state’” – but omitting Normanby’s further words: “so far at least as it is possible to make that
acknowledgement in favour of a people composed of numerous, dispersed, and petty tribes, who possess
few political relations to each other, and are incompetent to act, or even to deliberate, in concert.”
Readers may make up their own minds up about the significance of my namesake’s very selective
quotation!

Well, on Christmas Eve 1839 Hobson duly arrived in Sydney where Governor Gipps proceeded to provide
him with support staff “selected for their known incompetency”[4] and of whose services he wished to
dispose. One of these was JS Freeman, a product of Eton and Oxford and, to put it bluntly, a snob who
was to be Hobson’s private secretary. So equipped, Hobson arrived in the Bay of Islands on 29th January He contacted the Paihia mission station immediately and by next day, mission printer, William Colenso had produced two important documents for him. The first proclaimed Hobson “to be Lieutenant- Governor in and over any Territory which is or may be acquired in Sovereignty by Her Majesty…” The second, concerning land stated in part: “Her Majesty… does not deem it expedient to recognise as valid any Titles to Land in New Zealand which are not derived from of confirmed by Her Majesty”. Nothing could be fairer than that.

    And the Land??

    Much – too much – has been written about the dispossession of Maori land by ruthless white men.
    NOTHING COULD BE FURTHER FROM THE TRUTH! In fact, Maori chiefs had been almost
    falling over themselves in their haste to exchange European consumer goods for land they did not need
    with their hunter-gather lifestyle becoming obsolete with the development of European farming methods.
    [5] In fact no less than 179 South Island sales had been registered in Sydney by 1840 with reserves set aside for the former Maori owners. In Taranaki, multiple sales of the same land were frequent, in one
    case, five times over![6]

    Now land was indeed confiscated from defeated rebel tribes following the various rebellions in the North
    Island, this being a well-recognized Maori practice, and some was actually returned to former rebels to
    provide adequately for their livelihoods. In fact 90% of the land was freely sold by Maori tribal owners,
    about 4.5% confiscated and the remainder left in their hands. (Mike Butler, “Tribes treaty MONEY
    power”, 2014, ISBN187290389.These figures do not include normal land purchases since in the ordinary
    course of business.

    Indeed the bleating about land loss seems to have intensified since one Sacha McMeeking, then a member of the Council of the University of Canterbury, claimed[7] with reference to settlement of Ngai Tahu claims “the decision was to settle cheaply – accepting $170 million when even treasury value of
    dispossessed lands lay between $12 and $15 billion”. Note well that in 1840 nearly all her “dispossessed
    lands” were an uninhabited wilderness, not remotely like its condition today. A1996 study of Ngai Tahu
    claims by Alan Everton[8] concluded that they were fraudulent. Why does the Government today not
    pursue an investigation of this activity perpetrated under the aegis of the Waitangi Tribunal upon
    the taxpayers of New Zealand?

    And the Treaty itself?

    I cannot imagine that anywhere else in the world but New Zealand, such a short, succinct and
    straightforward document as the Treaty of Waitangi should be as manipulated and misrepresented, nearly
    200 years after being written, as that rat-eaten specimen!

    It was translated overnight on 4-5 February 1840 into the Ngapuhi dialect of Maori from Hobson’s
    English text written the previous day, by Henry Williams and his son Edward, 17-year residents in New
    Zealand and both competent in that language. Both texts were read out to the assembly at Waitangi the
    following day, the English by Hobson and the Maori by Henry Williams and nobody said their meanings
    were different.[9] Since Article Third was inapplicable to existing British subjects and not intended to
    apply to those of other nationalities, one word, “maori”, was indeed added to it by the Williams,
    compelling evidence that Hobson’s English text had been written previously and indeed correctly dated
    4th February.[10]

    The history of Hobson’s English text is full of irony. A virtually verbatim copy was sent to the United
    States Secretary of State later in February by Clendon, in whose house it had been written, in his capacity
    as United States Consul. It was subsequently lent to Commodore Charles Wilkes, visiting commander of
    the USS Vincennes who wished to “enquire into the state of these islands.” Wilkes, or his writer, copied it
    to the extent of including Busby’s spelling mistake “sovreignty” while adding a few of his own. This was
    included in Wilkes’ despatch No.64 to the US Authorities.[11]

    In the stressed state of affairs in New Zealand following Hobson severe stroke on 1st March, his final
    English text came into the possession of Henry Littlewood, Clendon’s solicitor. It reposed in the hands of
    the Littlewood family until found by Beryl Needham among the effects of her late mother, Ethel
    Littlewood, in March 1989.

    Authorities in this country have largely ignored or seemingly done all they can to discredit this pivotal
    document, Margaret Wilson, then Associate Minister of Justice, writing on 27th September 2004 with the
    absurd excuse that it was not signed.[12] She goes on to extol the validity of the rejected copy of
    Freeman’s own ideas in English of what the treaty should say, used in an exigency at Waikato Heads by
    missionary Maunsell to gather chiefs’ signatures when the official copy in their own language intended to
    be used had not arrived. In the 1975 “Treaty of Waitangi Act” this deeply flawed document was legislated
    to be “the Treaty in English”.

    Thus have New Zealanders[13] been hoodwinked, misled and deceived at many crucial moments in their nation’s history!

    THE CRUCIAL MESSAGE

    It is absolutely critical that the true facts of our nation’s constitutional history be straightened out and
    accepted before any effort in made to establish second order derived hypotheses about what may be the
    “Principles of the Treaty”.[14] Anything else would only lead us more deeply into the mire.


    29 September 2024 Copyright ©
    [1]South of the Rakitata River, with rare exceptions, “k” replaces the “ng” of the north. Thus: ‘Waitaki’,’Waitangi’.
    [2] “Adventure in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844, London,1845, Vol 1, p.11
    [3]Holding a commission as an instructor officer in the RNZNVR (now retired) I can testify from my own experience that naval
    education at sea was both rigorous and extensive, perhaps more so in pre-Internet days than today!
    [4]T.L.Buick, “The Treaty of Waitangi”, 1914,p.94
    [5] J.Jackson,”Mistaken Maori Land Claims”, Book Seven, Treaty Series, Vol.2.,2007
    [6]B.Wells. “The History of Taranaki”, Edmondson and Avery, 1878.
    [7]“The Press”, p. C5, 2nd July 2011
    [8]Free Radical 26-8 August-December 1996
    [9]Proceedings were carefully minuted by Colenso and checked by Busby at the time though not published until 1890
    [10]As pointed out by Martin Doutré
    [11]Full details may be found in Doutré, “The Littlewood Treaty Found”, ISBN 0-473-10140-8, 2005, shunned by authorities in this country..
    [12] Ibid, p.127
    [13]With possibly the said former minister amongst them!
    [14]Several excellent and informative books exist on topics covered here. The author may be contacted for details.

    New Zealand Nonsense 2 – Voting by Race: Unequal Maori Seats

    The author of this article is John Robinson, author of the recently published book, “Who Really Broke the Treaty?” published by Tross Publishing.

    I am a scientist, a mathematician. It always seemed obvious that the aim was to work with
    numbers to uncover the truth. That was impossibly naïve; now I know that mathematics is a
    way to confuse the layman and hide some very shady goings on, to ‘dazzle them with
    numbers’ – all in the service of some demanded dogma, all OK so long as the boss and
    paymaster is kept happy. Nowhere do we find integrity in New Zealand.

    Seats in the New Zealand Parliament are defined by race; 7 of the 72 electoral seats are Maori
    seats. This satisfies the first tenets of racism, a belief in race and separation of people by race
    in government.1 The resultant unequal representation, with far fewer votes required for each
    Maori Member of Parliament, is undermining a basic tenet of democracy – equality of votes.

    When I was analysing statistics through the 1980s and 1990s, I worked with a variety of
    measures of one particular group, Maori. Each related to actual persons: sole Maori who
    ticked only the Maori box on the census form, ethnic Maori who ticked that and perhaps
    some other box, numbers reported by police and health workers based on their judgement or
    in answer to a question, and so on. There were many, differing measures, but I understood
    how each was gathered; there is no such clarity here.

    A several-step process is followed to determine the number of these Maori seats. The
    calculations are based on total population numbers (all ages) rather than those of voting age
    or on numbers of registered voters (of Maori on the Maori roll). Given the more youthful
    Maori population, this introduces a bias in favour of Maori over-representation.

    “We used the following steps for each record (whether sourced from 2018 Census response
    or admin enumeration (Stats NZ, 2019b), until we obtained a Yes or No for Maori descent:

    1. Start with the respondent’s actual response.”2 This is like the old “ethnic Maori” count,
      and is 625,600.
    2. If response for Maori descent is not ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ use: a. 2013 Census as first priority, and b. DIA birth records as second priority.” This introduces a further 134,300 ‘Maori’ to the count. Nowhere is there any opportunity for choice, where a person may state whether they have any significant Maori identity. The State has defined your ethnicity.
    3. If response for Maori descent is still not ‘Yes’ or ‘No’, use ‘within household donor’ imputation. Find the person of closest age in the usual residence and copy their Maori descent response as long as the response is a Yes or No value.” It seems that if you live with a Maori, you are held to be a Maori. This introduces a further 56,600 ‘Maori’.
    4. If response for Maori descent is still not ‘Yes’ or ‘No’, use 2018 Census iwi responses. If there is a valid iwi response in 2018 Census then set Maori descent to Yes. If Maori descent remains as missing or as Don’t Know, Refused to Answer, Response Unidentifiable, Response Outside Scope, or Not Stated then CANCEIS (the CANadian Census Edit and Imputation System) donor imputation was used to set a value of Yes or No.”

    These last steps introduce a further 80,000 ‘Maori’. Do you understand what they are doing,
    and why? I don’t.

    The total “Maori descent electoral population” is then 896,600. The number of these ‘Maori’
    has been artificially increased by 43%, from 16.4% to 19.1% of the New Zealand population.

    The next step in determining the number of Maori seats is to calculate the “Maori electoral
    population (MEP)”, by multiplying “the 2018 Census Maori descent usually resident
    population count” (which is the “Maori descent electoral population” noted above) by “the
    proportion of enrolled Maori descent electors who choose the Maori electoral roll.”

    There is a recognition here that this will take into consideration those who are not of an age to
    vote: “This means that the MEP includes people who are not enrolled on the electoral roll
    (such as children)”3 , which inflates Maori numbers due to their more youthful population.

    The MEP is then 472,397. Take care to not be confused by the very similar words used here
    (I was): the “Maori descent electoral population” (also known as the “Census Maori descent
    usually resident population count”) is very different from the “Maori electoral population”. If
    clarity had been intended, there would have been a better choice of labelling words. None of
    these is a count of actual people, a real population of individuals – apart from that first count
    of respondents to a census question answering to a question concerning ethnicity.

    The number of seats is then based on a South Island quota to suggest that should be a
    population of 67,582 for each seat, and thus 7.23 Maori seats, rounded off to 7 Maori seats.
    The suggestion here that there is a slightly greater population for each Maori seat than for
    general seats is false, being based on that considerably inflated MEP Maori population
    calculation, not on real people.

    The result in voting power is a considerable inequality. In the 2023 elections there were
    39,398 valid votes per general electorate and 25,974 valid votes per Maori general electorate. 4
    The ratio is 1.52, and each Maori vote has a 52% greater value than a non-Maori vote. That
    discrepancy is largely the consequence of the deliberate and forced set of calculations
    summarised above. This is the destruction of true democracy, where all votes must be of
    equal value.

    The further requirements in my definition of racism have been satisfied: counting, and
    exaggerating, race-based numbers, and providing special, extra powers to the chosen race.

    There is never any thought of checking the validity of this process. The Government may
    claim that: “There are approximately equal electoral populations in each Maori and general
    electoral district.” But this is an artificial Maori population, numbers generated through
    convoluted calculations and not real people – more nonsense creating race-based inequality.
    If votes were of equal value with equal electoral populations, there would be five Maori MPs
    elected by race (the ratio of 4.6, rounded up), not seven.


    1 Robinson J. New Zealand nonsense (one). Sovereignty and defining Maori. The first note
    in this series.
    2 NZ Govt., “Deriving the 2018 Maori descent electoral population”,
    https://www.stats.govt.nz/methods/deriving-the-2018-maori-descent-electoral-populaton.
    3 NZ Govt., “The mathematics of electorate allocation in New Zealand based on the outcome
    of the 2018 Census and Māori Electoral Option 2018”,
    https://www.stats.govt.nz/methods/the-mathematics-of-electorate-allocation-in-new-zealand-
    based-on-the-outcome-of-the-2018-census-and-maori-electoral-option-
    2018/#:~:text=The%20Electoral%20Act%201993%20arose,the%20separate%20M%C4%81
    ori%20electoral%20roll.

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